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  • Becoming American, Remaining Ethnic: The Case of Armenian-americans in Central California (The New Americans: Recent Immigration and American Society).
  • Idioms in American Life.
  • Ukraine–European Union relations.

Date of Birth. Day 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Month January February March April May June July August September October November December Year Please fill in a complete birthday Enter a valid birthday. Ukraine, no doubt, remains the major salient dilemma.

The Eu-nato Relationship: A Legal And Political Perspective

The sanctions adopted since , have been the first since the Cold war and applying economic pressure on Moscow and continuously extended every half year, they have further exacerbated the bilateral tensions, actually rupturing many avenues of dialogue. They have instilled the feeling in Russian society, currently very keen on regaining almost great power status in world politics and military affairs, that the EU and Europe are not friendly partners and by no means a model for replication.

Real progress has to be made on this issue before relations can return to normal. In my eyes it is clear that the Minsk II agreement frequently saluted by the leading EU members and its members in the Normandy format talks is almost defunct. Furthermore, Moscow will observe jealously any EU attempts to extend its influence and presence in the post-Soviet are.

This means that we could indeed expect growing tensions and competition regarding EU moves to strengthen cooperation not only with Kyiv but also with Moldova, Belarus, any Black Sea and Balkan states and even with the Central Asian countries. Consequently, Moscow would only be happy to see Eastern Partnership wither, as much as it understands that Brussels also will strive to prove that for Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, the European Union remains a more attractive option than Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union. Although somehow outdated, it provides guarantees of minimum legal protection to Russian economic interests.

On its part, Russia is ready for talks with individual states on important bilateral issues as migration, energy including nuclear , science, cooperation in space, cyber security, the formation of a Greater Eurasian Partnership, etc. In a broader context, Russia actually is a natural partner for the EU in discussing such topics as the migration crisis now haunting the EU, the situation in the Balkans, where Bosnia-Herzegovina still remains a powder keg, in the Greater Middle East and Northern Africa, specifically in Libya and Syria, in Iran and Iraq.

HR Mogherini already suggested consultations on North Korean nuclear-missile issue, though I do not see how Moscow despite its recent accommodation proposals and UNSC permanent member status could be really helpful. Generally, there are, in my opinion, almost no controversies between the EU and Russia on the issues of arms control. The parties seem to agree on the importance to strengthen the crisis-management capabilities of the OSCE, its monitoring mechanisms in conflict areas, as well as on instruments for crisis prevention and resolution.

They are now, not without friction, tested in the eastern Ukraine separatist-held areas.

A Legal and Political Perspective, 1st Edition

The focus should be on developing new measures to prevent direct military collisions on the ground and in the air, sea and cyberspace, on creating constant channels of communication between defence ministries and military headquarters, and on developing new rules of conduct that would prevent dangerous military activity.

Nothing meanwhile prevents the ever-eager regional arms control community to mull over and propose certain new ideas which might be useful when the time for them finally ripens. As the Ukrainian issue is now the key irritant in the EU-NATO-Russia relations; what is rather more promising is a start of discussions of new outlines for a perspective European security architecture. What is needed and can, apparently, be realised are various step-by-step, cautious measures aimed at the restoration of a climate of mutual trust and cooperation in the security sphere in Wider Europe.

The experts could develop the outlines of the system of notifications on military aviation flights and manoeuvres of naval vessels, i.

Both NATO and Russia could practice a broader system of inviting representatives to their respective manoeuvres and envision more joint peacekeeping and terrorist-fighting operations. It would be especially useful in conventional arms control in Europe, where efforts to revive the dialogue have failed. The same counts for warning against planned snap exercises.

Moscow could, in turn, demand more guarantees against the rapid deployment of NATO forces or at least some limits and more predictability regarding their deployment in eastern Europe. In sum, what is needed is a package of crisis-de-escalation and prevention instruments such as sub-regional transparency and confidence-building measures, more openness on large-scale military exercises in border areas, strengthening of the inspections regime in a cost-effective way.

The EU-NATO Relationship | A Legal and Political Perspective | Taylor & Francis Group

Moscow could demand more guarantees against rapid deployment NATO forces which it regards as a threat something like a no-troops-increase zone along the NATO-Russia borderland. This set of proposals may be too extensive and unrealistic for the moment. However, launching such a discussion process could lead us to the stabilisation of the current situation. What is needed today is a programme to crush the deep-frozen ice packs in bilateral relations and introduce a new set of confidence-building measures. That would bring about a new quality in the relations between Moscow and the West and strengthen mutual reliance and collaboration.

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It is critical that the current crisis does not undermine the traditional constructive collaboration between the United States and Russia on non-proliferation issues. EU Member States and Russia must then engage in discussions over the control of conventional and nuclear arms, as well as the potential arms race in Europe, including tactical nuclear weapons and deployment of US-NATO missile defence.

There are seemingly no clues how to revive it. Managing insecurity by regional Baltic Sea states through the kind of risk reduction and confidence-building measures and constructively resuming the dialogue at the NATO-Russia Council could be very propitious for the general climate of sanctions in the European region.

Generally, all this should lead to new efforts to develop a picture of an eventual European security ambiance which could be acceptable and attractive both for Moscow and the West. Outlines of a possible document statement, declaration can be worked out. This is, in my view, an urgent imperative of these tumultuous historic times when novel actions and the New Thinking is needed.

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We could then discuss the return to four common spaces declared in Saint-Petersburg in Both the EU and Russia must propose the outlines of civilised relations, including the observance of agreed upon rules and norms of communication. What Russia needs is not a frail and fragmented, but rather an efficient and cohesive EU for successful cooperation on the large number of international issues, not least as a counterbalance to the USA or China, as well as it needs the EU as a major economic and technological partner. The EU, predictably, will remain critical of Moscow concerning human rights and domestic governance issues which can only aggravate close to the presidential elections in Russia.

Positions between the EU and the US diverge regarding democratic values and a business man approach when it comes to multi-lateral negotiations. The American policy on Russia and the new Franco-German sympathies will impact international relations. In this dossier we deliver analysis and background knowledge, whilst exploring the prospects of enhanced cooperation.

This website uses cookies. For information on how to object, see our Privacy Policy. Oscillating between conflict and cooperation, the EU-Russia relations are of strategic importance in key policy areas such as European security The turbulent developments after the outbreak of the crisis in and over Ukraine, the accession of Crimea and the lingering Syrian crisis, have completely changed the outlook of the world and of European politics. The necessity of Russia-EU cooperation However, the current turn of tide in European integration is not a sign of death.